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In a series on ethnic hatred in the BJP-RSS ecosystem, we have recently shown that the leaders and the base of the same have derided Bengali intellectuals for turning Communists/Leftists and anti-Hindus. Through ethnic decomposition of an extensive list of more than 400 intellectuals who have assumed explicit anti-Hindu and pro-left positions through different concerted activities, we have shown that the Bengalis neither comprise the majority of these intellectuals, nor the only over-represented group as compared to their share of the populace. This quantification shows that there is no ground for singling out Bengali intellectuals for leftism and anti-Hindu activities, and hence such targeting can be characterized as ethnic bias. But, perhaps more importantly, this work constitutes the first data-driven analysis of contemporary intellectual collusion with religious imperialism in India, with an overt focus on the Congress-Left intellectual ecosystem. The focus was guided by the fact that the political and ideological affiliation of most of the contemporary Indian intellectuals is Congress or Left. Yet, with acquisition of political power, a community of intelligentsia loosely affiliated with the BJP-RSS ecosystem is emerging (despite the pronouncements of Hindu scholar Sitaram Goel: “ The RSS is the biggest collection of duffers that ever came together in world history)’’ [75]. Some of them have been in BJP-RSS’ sphere of influence for long, some others have jumped ship from Congress-Left with change in power equations in Delhi. Many of them have been appointed to different Governmental offices, statutory bodies, Parliament, advisory roles, sympathetic media units, while the rest grace conferences and symposia the ecosystem organizes (eg, the annual India Idea Conclaves, Indic Thoughts Festivals etc). In this piece we examine if their choices differ in any fundamental manner with those of the Congress-Left intelligentsia, that is, if collusion with religious imperialism is endemic across intelligentsia of all hues, or it is limited to the Congress-Left ecosystem.

Towards the above end, in Section A we document the various moves of the BJP governments at the center and the states which have irretrievably damaged the Indics, by economically and politically discriminating against the people and violating their freedom of religion and assaulting their history. In Section B we show that the intellectuals of the BJP-RSS ecosystem, many of whom have variously benefitted from the governments in power, have either architected some of the above moves, or have condoned them by praising the architects of the moves or through their silence . Thus, they have behaved identical to the Bengali and other Congress-Left intellectuals whom they publicly demonise. Hence, it may be safely concluded that intellectual collusion with religious imperialism in India is instituted by the nature of the state, rather than choice of political ideology or attributes of birth such as ethnicity.

Section A: The Anti-Hindu activities of the BJP governments at the center and state

We now document the various anti-Hindu activities of the current BJP governments, both at the center and various states. The BJP-RSS base have agitated over the lack of activity of the Modi Government on various legislations brought in by the previous Congress Governments, which have put Indics at a significant disadvantage, such as Right to Education Bill, or control of Hindu temples. The apologists of the Government have pointed to their lack of numbers in the Rajya Sabha. We therefore list somewhat lesser known, but just as detrimental (if not more) anti-Indic moves that the BJP governments instituted by commission, rather than by omission, both on the executive and the legislative front. It is worth noting that the current President and the Prime Minister, the Chief Ministers of all the BJP-governments, important Union Ministers like Nitin Gadkari, the current BJP President and rising stars of the BJP like Ram Madhav, whose activities we would document here, have been lifelong RSS men (except Vasundhara Raje Scindhia, who has been in BJP, just not in RSS, throughout her political career). Only a few like Himanta Biswa Sarma and Mukul Roy have been recent imports from other parties. Thus, our documentation of the betrayal of Hindus reflects as much on BJP as on RSS.

Section A.1: BJP Governments’ inhuman persecution of Indic refugees who have been subjected to religious persecution by Islamists and Christianists

We show that the BJP Governments have persecuted the Indic refugees throughout India, from the North East to the North West.

In 1997, Indic Bru or Reang refugees had fled to Tripura from religious persecution by the Christian majority in Mizoram. Around 35000 refugees now live in different camps in North Tripura per official figures (unofficial sources give a much larger number) [97]. In 2014 itself, the Tripura High Court had described the situation in the camps as “ridiculous’’. Each adult in the camp was eligible for an allowance of only Rs 5 per day and 600 grams of rice. Minors get even less – Rs 2.5 and 250 grams of rice. People in the camps still have little access to potable water and medical services [97]. The Modi Government has been pressurizing these hapless refugees to return to Mizoram. In 2017, the Bru Displaced People’s Forum had filed an application in the Supreme Court stating that it feared that the Union and the state governments of Tripura were trying to “force the Brus back to Mizoram without either proper security or proper rehabilitation” [97]. On March 27, 2017, the Supreme Court decreed that only people who wanted to move back should be asked to go, and status quo was to be maintained otherwise [97]. Undeterred by the Supreme Court judgement, the BJP Government accentuated its persecution of the hapless Indic refugees. From July 2017, the refugees has been denied even the meagre daily cash assistance they have been entitled to; they have submitted a memorandum to the Modi Government demanding a better deal from the Center [98]. The memorandum notes that erratic distribution of foodstuff has caused severe hardships and the students could not appear in the final examination in December 2017 as the parents could not pay examination fees, because the financial assistance to them have been discontinued [98]. From October 2017 onwards, these refugees have been starving due to irregular distribution of relief rations, and casualties have been feared on that account [95]. On November 7, 2017, the Assam Sentinel has reported “Centre may withdraw the Internally Displaced People (IDP) status of over 30 thousand Reang refugees staying in six North Tripura camps for last two decades, if they refuse to repatriate to their ancestral home at Mizoram.  Withdrawal of the IDP status will mean immediate discontinuation of free ration and other facilities that they are now enjoying in the camps and rehabilitation facilities once repatriation is announced by the Centre. Joint Secretary to the Union Home Ministry Mahesh Kumar Sringla, who visited the camp two days ago, made it clear to the refugee leaders that the Centre is firm in its decision and asked them to begin preparation for repatriation by January next’’ [94]. In February 2018, the BJP Government had been seeking to “physically’’ repatriate these refugees to Mizoram, which has been stalled by Supreme Court [96]. In effect, the Modi Government is compelling these refugees to return to Mizoram and perhaps be forced to convert to Christianity to survive, or face physical violence. In contrast, to appease the Christian majority of Mizoram and Nagaland, the Modi Government has been announcing multiple sops for Christians, eg, 1) a Rs. 70-crore project for the beautification of churches and religious institutions of Meghalaya under the larger Swadesh Darshan Scheme [82] 2) free trips of Christians to Jerusalem if voted to power in Nagaland [67]. While PM Modi boasted during his election campaign in Meghalaya about rescuing Christian nurses (who were largely from Kerala) from Iraq, he omitted the plight of the Indic Reang refugees in the neighborhood [82].

In the 2014 parliamentary and Assembly elections, the BJP had promised to grant citizenship to the refugees from West Pakistan currently living in Jammu [90]. Over 1.5 lakh West Pakistan refugees who have been living in camps since 19 have not been given Permanent Resident Cards in the state of Jammu and Kashmir [91]. Over 90 per cent of these refugees belong either to the Scheduled Castes (SCs) or Other Backward Classes (OBCs) [90]. Thus in both the elections in 2014 the SCs and OBCs had voted overwhelmingly for BJP in the Jammu region and the party had won all all Assembly seats and Lok Sabha seats there [90]. Subsequently, BJP has formed a coalition Government with PDP in Jammu and Kashmir. And, it has not only not fulfilled its promise, but has allegedly initiated the process to delete the names of West Pakistan refugees from the list of beneficiaries getting subsidised ration under the National Food Safety Act (NFSA) [91]. Tara Chand, a West Pakistan refugee has stated, “We have been told bluntly by the authorities that from this month our names have been deleted from beneficiaries’ lists as refugee families do not have Permanent Resident Certificates (PRCs),” and
“Without any notice, we were asked to submit our ration cards to get them updated. Now we have been asked to produce PRCs to be included in the list” [91].  In contrast, the BJP has provided all amenities and facilitated the stay of the Muslim Rohingya refugees from Mynamar in and around Jammu, these refugees had been settled in Jammu during the Congress rule [92]. They find Jammu and Kashmir as a safe haven for their survival [93].  Around 5,700 Rohingyas are living in Jammu and Samba districts as per official estimates [93]. Indian Army camps are surrounded by colonies of these settlers, and intelligence agencies have shown that terrorists who stormed the Sunjuwan Army camp on February 10, 2018, had received local support [92].

Similarly, although during his 2014 election campaign, Modi repeatedly promised to grant citizenship to Hindu refugees who had fled to India from Bangladesh, he has not acted on his promise yet [105]. The BJP Government at the center or the PDP-BJP Government at the state of Jammu and Kashmir have done nothing to rehabilitate the Kashmiri Pandit refugees in the Kashmir valley, who had fled from religious persecution by the Islamists in the valley.
Lastly, the Indic refugees fleeing Pakistan have had little to cheer about. The government’s indifference to their plight and their well being has been recorded. Since 2011, more than 900 Pakistani Hindus have been living around Delhi, in inhuman conditions, more than 20 are often squeezed in one room. Contrary to their claims of granting Indian citizenship to 4,300 Pakistani nationals during 2014-15, a RTI query has revealed that only 289 Pakistani Hindus were granted Indian citizenship in this period [121]. While the Modi-Government promptly accorded Indian citizenship to the Pakistani-origin singer, Adnan Sami, many disillusioned Hindu refugees have been returning to Pakistan, having been denied Indian citizenship. In 2016, 100 such families have returned to Pakistan [122].

Section A.2: BJP governments’ perpetration of and connivance in atrocities against Indics

The BJP Government in Haryana used lethal force, killing 39 Indics through direct shots fired by police for mob-violence [5]. PM Modi had immediately indirectly condoned the police excesses by selectively condemning only the mob violence in his tweets and noting that he is himself monitoring the law and order situation : 1) “The instances of violence today are deeply distressing. I strongly condemn the violence & urge everyone to maintain peace’’ 2) “The law & order situation is being closely monitored. I reviewed the situation with the NSA & Home Secretary’’ 3) “Urged officials to work round the clock to restore normalcy and provide all possible assistance that is required’’ [54]. In a couple of days after the incident, he reiterated his support for adoption of lethal mob-control measures by stating in his periodical “Man ki Baat’’ address: “In my address from the ramparts of the Red Fort, I had said that violence in the name of faith will not be tolerated, whether it is communal belief systems, whether it is subscribing to political ideologies, whether it is allegiance to a person or customs and traditions. No one has the right to take the law into one’s own hands in the name of one’s beliefs’’ [55] . BJP general secretary in charge in Haryana later announced with a smiling face that the government was ready to beat the agitators badly, and has been targeting to kill 40-50 among them [5]. Earlier, during Modi’s tenure as Gujarat Chief Minister, the Gujarat police brutally lathi-charged the VHP activists for vandalising a painting exhibition of Pakistani artists. Videos reveal that elderly workers were struck by the police on head. VHP leader Pravin Togadia had claimed that many activists were “pinned to the ground and kicked in the stomach’’. [46] Bajrang Dal convenor in Ahmedabad, Jwalit Mehta, was picked up at 2:45 AM on Raksha Bandhan day which is a major Hindu festival [46]. Similarly, in 2012 MP police had foiled the bid of local Hindu activists for taking out a Saraswati Palki Yatra on the day of Vasant Panchami, by refusing permission, and conducting massive preventive detentions and perpetrating brutal physical violence on those who still took out the rally [48], [49]. In 2013 MP police had arrested and brutally beat up Mr. Navalkishore Sharma, the National Convener of ‘Bhojshala Mukti-yadnya Samiti’ and his activists who have been fighting for Hindus’ right of performing ‘puja’, and demanding that Muslims should not be allowed to read ‘namaz’ on the day of ‘Vasant-Panchami’ in ‘Bhojshala’ [47].

In contrast, the MP police remained a mute spectator when Muslims took out huge rallies in Bhopal and Indore, threatening to kill if necessary, and demanding death by hanging of a Hindu activist, Kamlesh Tiwari, for some of his remarks on the Prophet of Islam [50] [51] [52] [53]. The Maharashtra police under the BJP Government there capitulated in the wake of AIMIM protests over Taslima Nasreen’s visit to Aurangabad, and turned her back from the airport [57]. The BJP Government in center however uses non-lethal pellet guns on stone-throwing Islamist mobs in Kashmir [4]. In November 2017, it has advised the J&K Government to declare amnesty for first-time stone-pelters, and the J&K Government run by a coalition of PDP and BJP has approved withdrawal of cases against 9730 people involved in stone pelting [56] [70]. Now, the BJP Government at the centre is considering advising amnesty for repeat offenders involved in multiple incidents of stone-pelting [56].

The BJP Government at the centre have not even taken note of the stabbing of 65 year old Hindu Bengali, Karthik Ghosh, by an Islamist mob in Basirhat [2], but the Union home minister has issued statements assuring strict punishment to the killers of Akhlaq, a Muslim lynched by a Hindu mob in UP , and has sought report from the UP state government on the issue [1]. It also watched in silence when the Samajwadi Government in UP incarcerated Kamlesh Tiwari, by invoking the draconian National Security Act, for several months for some remarks on the Prophet of Islam [3]. Further, in the case of a student who was accused of insulting Islam, BJP leader and minister Babul Supriyo had gone as far as demanding stringent punishment for him [127]. He also defended his fury on the unhappy teenager claiming that the punishment was due because the teen in question had brought disrepute to the BJP.

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The BJP has further refused to ban the Popular Front of India (PFI), despite a recommendation to ban the PFI by the NIA in September 2017 [112]. Further, the BJP Karnataka Government itself, in 2009, refused to ban either the PFI or its affiliated organisation, the Karnataka Forum for Dignity (KFD) [113]. Its home minister, VS Acharya, had specifically ruled out any ban on either the PFI or its affiliate, the KFD, in 2009 [113]. In 2011, it was mulling a ban [114] after the KFD’s involvement in kidnapping and murder of many Hindus, but did not do so. In 2012, the Kerala Government submitted in the Kerala High Court that PFI was SIMI (a banned organisation) reincarnated [115] and implicitly recommended that the Centre ban it (though it did not do so itself). Nevertheless, despite the PFI’s involvement in numerous atrocities on Hindus and slaughter of Hindu activists, the Modi Government has, thus far, refused to ban the PFI. Further, it may be remarked that even after the NIA recommended a ban on PFI in September 2017, the Maharashtra Government allowed the PFI to hold a rally in communally sensitive Aurangabad in October 2017 to spread the message that Dalits and Muslims are both victims of Hindus, thus increasing the danger of communal tensions [116].

The army is the lifeline of Indics in Jammu and Kashmir against continuous onslaught by Islamists. BJP governments have been repeatedly undermining the army there. In 2014, while campaigning for BJP in Srinagar, the Prime Minister publicly undermined the army, which is unprecendeted since the army reports to him. The Indian Army had then accepted responsibility for accidental shooting of two Kashmiri teenagers. The Prime Minister claimed political brownie points over this incident, stating: “It is the first time that the Army owned up to the mistake of gunning down two innocent youth in a press conference and action has been taken against those who opened fire. This had not happened in the last 30 years. Ye Modi sarkar ka kaamal hai. Ye mere nek iradon ka saboot hai.” [71]. Thus, he reaffirmed that the Army had erred before and had not accepted its earlier errors. Note that this is quite consistent with the line separatists and human right activists have taken that the Army routinely violated human rights. And, BBC immediately applauded Modi for acknowledging that Indian Army was trigger happy [73]. The PM may certainly apologize for the Army’s unintended excesses as he deems fit. What is however unacceptable is that a political authority would assume credit in public for disciplining his Army, and more so appeal for votes on that count. As we wrote before, “Such avoidable choices leave open the nagging question whether due process in the Army was bypassed for political expediency of the ruling party. A good leader should, in fact, assume the blame accorded to the institutions that report to him. How are the subordinates expected to trust a political authority who insinuates in public the same accusations its detractors are hurling at it? Shouldn’t earning the confidence of the institutions that report to the Prime Minister be his foremost priority? It is for these reasons that no Indian premier since Jawaharlal Nehru had publicly undermined India’s defense institutions.’’ [72]. Thus, in quest of political power, Modi has initiated a brand of politics where the Army would be dragged in by political parties for competitive denouncing for a few votes. This has inflicted enormous damage on an invaluable institution. More, recently, the PDP-BJP coalition Government in Jammu and Kashmir has lodged an FIR against Indian Army, naming Major Aditya of the Indian Army, for deaths of some civilians in a counter-insurgency operation [68][69]. Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti has confirmed that the FIR was lodged after due consultation with the Union Defense Minister, Nirmala Sitharaman, of the BJP Government under Modi [68]. Mehbooba Mufti has said: “After the killings I immediately spoke to the defence minister and she was very positive. She told me that I should take action if any carelessness or anything wrong has happened. It’s after that we registered an FIR and ordered a magisterial inquiry’’ [69].

Section A.3: Sacrificing Indics through Foreign Policy

In the land boundary agreement with Bangladesh, it was decided to exchange the 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh and the Dahargam-Angarpota enclave for the 51 Bangladeshi enclaves in India. This move basically led to abandoning approximately nine thousand Indian Hindus in these enclaves to their fates in Bangladesh [11]. Given that the Bangladeshi state has an abominable record of treating Hindus, these Hindus have essentially been abandoned to discrimination and far worse. It is pertinent to note that the exchange of these enclaves does not in any way aid the fencing of the border with Bangladesh, which renders the betrayal even more abominable.

The BJP Government at the center has looked on in silence as neighboring Bangladesh and Pakistan have been persecuting Hindus [10], in contrast to different Muslim nations forcefully champion in international fora the real or imagined cause of persecuted Muslims in Palestine and Kashmir. Even more, BJP MPs like Roopa Ganguly and BJP-appointed Governors like Tathagata Roy have declared that the Hindu minority in Bangladesh are safe, but “feel’’ insecure [123] [124], denying the persistent persecution faced by Hindus in Bangladesh, and current Bangladeshi premier Sheikh Hasina’s complicity in it [10]

Section A.4: Border Fence with Bangladesh

In the home ministry report of 2015-16, the total fenced length of the Bangladesh border has reduced from 2828 kms in 2014-15 [p. 36, MHA report 2014-15, [12]] to 2710 kms in 2015-16 [p. 41, MHA report 2015-16, [12]], with most of the missing fence in Tripura and Mizoram. In 2016-17, the total fence rose to 2731 kms, increasing by 21 kms in the year p. 42, [74]. It is important to point out that the total fencing on the Bangladesh border has reduced during the Modi Government by 97 kms. Also, the border fence length reduction is not due to the Indo-Bangladesh Land Boundary Agreement. Most of the land swaps were in Bengal, while the fence has gone missing in Mizoram and Tripura. Finally, in all the years it has overseen the Bangladesh fence, the length of the boundary fenced by the Modi Government is the least amount fenced by any government in three years since 2003-04 [12].

Similarly, the length of the border roads on the Bangladesh border, vital for patrolling, has reduced from 3774 kms [p. 37, MHA report 2014-15, [12]] to 3560 kms [p. 42, MHA report 2015-16, [12]], with the border roads lost mostly in Tripura and Mizoram. In 2016-17, the border road length rose to 3596 kms p. 42, [74], with a net loss of 178 kms border roads lost. Given the importance of the border fence and border roads for securing the demography of India from illegal Bangladeshi encroachments and Modi government’s own promise to curtail the menace of illegal immigration, the disdain seems unconscionable.

Section A.5: Violating the religious freedom of Indics

The Vasundhara Raje Government in Rajasthan demolished 65 temples (and 8 Muslim shrines) under the pretext of executing development projects such as the Ring Road, Jaipur Metro, road widening and beautification of the city. The previous Congress Government had demolished around 32 temples on the same ground [14]. Again, the Raje Government has issued advertisement for auction of temple lands, potentially undermining lakhs of small temples/deities, primarily in the rural areas and small villages [15], continuing policies of previous Congress and BJP governments in Rajasthan that attached vast amounts of temple lands exposing them to encroachment by land mafia [16]. Not only in Rajasthan, but also in Gujarat during the regime of Modi as chief minister 80 temples or their encroaching boundaries were razed to ground [17].

In Madhya Pradesh, Hindus have been denied the permission to conduct continuous puja even on auspicious occasions of Vasant Panchami in their holy Bhojshala temple citing objections by Muslims [18]. Similarly, the JD(U)-BJP coalition Government in Bihar had banned immersion of Durga idols on the day of Muharram [19] (as did the TMC Government in West Bengal [20]). In Ranchi (Jharkhand) too, the BJP led government issued instructions to complete the immersion of the Durga idols by October 1 [106], to avoid clashes with the Muharram processions.

Further, it must be remarked that the Modi government, under its watch, has seen the funding for Christian NGOs indulging in conversion of Indics rise from Rs. 13,000 crore in 2012-13 to Rs. 17,000 crore in 2015-16. [128]. In fact, the rise in funding for NGOs has been continuous, rising to Rs. 15,299 crores in 2014-15 and to Rs. 17,773 crores in 2015-16 [129]. The funding for the year 2016-17 was at Rs. 13,750 crore as on 30 December, 2017 [129] and is likely to rise higher over the next few months as more returns are filed over the first few months of 2018. The final figures for the year 2016-17 are likely to be known fully by August 2018.  That missionaries indulge in conversions using all possible means is well known; that the Modi sarkar has observed with indifference the total amount poured into conversion of Indics increase by over 33% under its watch is an indication of the seriousness, or lack thereof, with which they view the issue.

 

Section A.6: Increased public-funded economic benefits for non-Indics and reduction in benefits for Army personnel

Modi Government had promised to bring in true secularism and end all sops to minorities. But, rather than delivering justice for all and appeasement for none, as it had promised, the government has gone in exactly the opposite direction. In 2018, the Modi Government has increased the budget for minorities by a whopping 62%, which constitutes the largest ever increase in the Union Budget for Minority development [65]. Times of India reports about the increase as follows: “For the first time, Rs 2,453 crore has been allocated for seven new schemes for education empowerment. It includes Rs 980 crore for pre-matric scholarship, Rs 692 crore for post-matric students and Rs 522 crore has been allocated for professional and technical courses. Rs 153 crore has been allocated for Maulana Azad national fellowship for minority students. Free Coaching and allied schemes and interest subsidy on educational loans for overseas studies has also been introduced. Funding for special programmes for minorities including skill development and livelihoods has been increased.
Union government sponsored schemes are pegged at Rs 2975.10 crore, against Rs 12.93 crore in the previous budget. While Hajj subsidy has been withdrawn by union government, under a special programme for minorities Rs 84 crore (same as previous year) has been allocated for provision is for Haj Management in India and Saudi Arabia. Another major development in the budget that could unlock an estimated Rs 50,000 crore worth of assets has been Funding for computerisation of records and strengthening of states Waqf boards has been increased by Rs 8 crore. “Computerisation of waqf boards would lead to increased revenue and transparency in functioning of the endowments. The schemes introduced in the budget would be implemented soon,” said Madhya Pradesh Waqf board chairman, Shoukat Mohammed Khan.’’ [65]

The Modi Government has instituted `progress panchayats’ for minorities [13]. These panchayats are exclusively devoted to the minorities and the move is in effect execution of the thesis of the previous UPA Government that the minorities have the first right to the resources. And ironically, they have been launched in the very areas where it is Hindus that are the minority and are rapidly shrinking in population. One needs only check the census for the Hindu demographic collapse in Mewat and the Northern parts of Alwar and Bharatpur (Hindu population share fell by approximately 4% between 2001 and 2011 in both). As such, sops to the local majority against a rapidly shrinking local minority can only accentuate the collapse of the Hindu population.

The Modi Government has increased the authentic share capital of the National Minorities Development Corporation from 1,500 crore to ` 3,000 crore rupees [21], its first budget has provided a higher allocation of Rs 3,734.01 crore for the ministry of minority affairs while announcing schemes for skill upgrade of minorities [23]. It has tripled the funds for the Madrasas [22], outlaying 100 crore rupees for the modernization of the Madrasas [23].

The Modi Government has announced free coaching for religious minorities aspiring for IAS [24]. We learn from a Government of India site, “Government of India, Ministry of Minority Affairs is implementing the scheme Nai Udaan- Scheme for Support to Minority Students for preparation of Main Examination, who clear Prelims conducted by Union Public Service Commission, Staff Selection Commission, State Public Service Commissions. The objective of the Scheme is to provide financial support to the minority candidates clearing prelims conducted by Union Public Service Commission, Staff Selection Commission and State Public Service Commissions to adequately equip them to compete for appointment to Civil Services in the Union and the State Governments and to increase the representation of the minority in the Civil Services’’ [84]. The Modi Government has also announced the Naya savera scheme to prepare the Student of minority communities for competitive examinations, so that their participation in government and private jobs improves. The scheme provides financial support for free coaching to minority students in selected coaching institutions. The competitive examinations within the purview of the scheme includes (1) qualifying examinations for admission in technical/ professional courses eg, engineering, medical, law, management, information technology etc., language/aptitude examinations for seeking admission to foreign universities and (2) examinations for recruitment to Group ‘A’ , ‘B’ and ‘C’ services and other equivalent posts under the Central and State governments spanning public sector undertakings, banks, insurance companies as well as autonomous bodies. Specifically, UPSC competitive exams, State Public Service Commissions, the Staff Selection Commission (SSC), Railway Recruitment Boards (RRBs.) , Banking Services Recruitment Boards etc for Group A, B and C posts, Officers’ Grade examinations conducted by Banks, Insurance
Companies and Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs) are included within the purview of the scheme [85]. In fact, while Modi was the chief minister of Gujarat, Gujarat had emerged as the state with the largest number of Muslim cops posted in police stations, with  10.6% of police men being Muslims, which was higher than the proportion (9.1%) of Muslims in the state’s population [25]. Along with Odisha, Gujarat became the only state where the percentage of Muslims in the police force was higher than in the general population [25].

The Modi Government has also announced the Shadi-shagun scheme which provides a wedding gift of Rs. 51000 to graduate Muslim women [26]. Many other schemes have been launched only for religious minorities, namely “Garib Nawaz Skill Development Centre”, “Usttad”, “Nai Manzil”, “Nai Roshni”, “Seekho aur Kamao”, “Padho Pardes”, “Progress Panchayat”, “Hunar Haat”, multi-purpose “Sadbhav Mandap”, “PM’s new 15 point programme”, “Multi-sectoral Development Programme”, “Begum Hazrat Mahal Scholarship” for girls, etc [83]. The “Padho Pardesh’’ scheme provides interest subsidy on educational loans for overseas studies for the students of the minority Communities [86]

The Modi Government has announced setting up of 5 Universities for students from the minority communities, and 40% of the seats there would be reserved for Muslim girls [62].

While the Modi Government has made much noise about implementing a Supreme Court directive on slashing subsidies for Haj, it has offset the move by inducing airlines, both India’s national carrier, the Air India, and other airlines, to significantly reduce airfares for Haj pilgrims flying to Saudi Arabia [125]. The fares have been reduced by 18-49%. The resulting loss of revenue of Air India amounts to indirect subsidy for Haj. One can only conjecture about the benefits the government has accorded to other airlines, including those based in Saudi Arabia, for materializing this reduction.

The National Commission of Minorities, whose members have been appointed by the Modi Government [61], have recently proposed setting up a Christian University along the lines of Banaras Hindu University and Aligarh Muslim University [60]. The Union Tourism Minister KJ Alphons of the BJP Government has announced a Rs. 70-crore project for the beautification of churches and religious institutions of Meghalaya under the larger Swadesh Darshan Scheme [82]. In contrast, the Modi Government has been denying ration and other relief material to Indic Reangs of Mizoram who have been forced to flee to Tripura from religious persecution by the Christian majority there; the refugees are now starving in Tripura [94, 95, 96]. Note that in Meghalaya, the Indic population has fallen from ~70% in 1951 to ~25% in 2011, with the Christian population rising from 24% in 1951 to 70% in 2011. The Indic tribals are in full retreat everywhere among the major tribes, with only Hajong and Rabhas living on the Assam border retaining their culture and religion. Recently, the Seng Khasi Indic tribals were denied funeral permission for a tribal elder by the Christians [107], but their plight has no resonance in the BJP. And, during his election campaign in Meghalaya, to cater to the communal sentiments of the Christian majority there, PM Modi has specifically mentioned the religious denomination of the nurses his government has rescued from Iraq, indicating perhaps greater priority his government accords to religious minorities rather than Hindus [82]. He did not comment on the plight of the Indic Reang refugees who are being starved by his government in neighboring Tripura. Also, BJP has recently announced that it would arrange for free trips of Christians to Jerusalem if voted to power in Nagaland [67].

At the states, Tripura BJP has recently donated Rs. 5 lakhs to Madrassas.